Venezuela
Maduro now fights Colombian FARC guerillas: "There is an ideological shift in Venezuela"
The border with Colombia became a battleground between the Venezuelan Army and a dissident sector of the FARC. "There is a shift in ideological direction of Maduro's government, which now combats the Marxist left," Venezuelans say.

The Venezuelan state of Apure has become a site for conflict between the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) and a dissident group of the revolutionary FARC guerilla called the "Diez" front. Clashes began in mid-March but intensified over the weekend for reasons that are not entirely clear.

Nicolas Maduro's government accuses Colombian Ivan Duque of allowing drug trafficking. The President of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, confirmed that "the phenomenon of irregular armed groups engaged in illegal activities and linked to the mafias of drug trafficking is part of a conflict that is alien to us and that the current Government of Colombia consents to and exports irresponsibly."

Cooperation between states becomes impossible because Duque does not recognize the government as legitimate and Maduro regards Duke as one of the main enemies of his administration.

LPO spoke with Andrei Serbin Point, director of CRIES and defense specialist who argued that "these combats have been unfolding for two weeks and counts with a very large deployment of the FANB with about 2,000 soldiers, armored vehicles, helicopters, special forces and paratroopers." "There have been clashes between state and parastate groups with the guerrillas for months," he added.

There is a change in the rhetoric of the Armed Forces that left behind the idea of imperialism and began to face the internal enemy to strengthen internal security. This is combined with Russian-assisted training of special counter-terrorism units.


Serbin Point noted that "there is a change in the rhetoric of the Armed Forces that left behind the idea of imperialism and began to face the internal enemy to strengthen internal security. This is combined with Russian-assisted training to special counter-terrorism units."

Soldiers of the National Guard of Venezuela on the border with Colombia.


"The FANB shows enormous operational difficulties, and we must cite the nefarious Special Actions Force with their lootings, abuse and murders," the specialist added.

The FANB seems unwilling as it was in the past to accept other military groups operating freely in a region that had historically been under their control. This also has a lot to do with the ideological shift in the direction of Maduro's government, which now persecutes Marxist leftist groups.


The clashes began on March 22 but had their most serious episode over the weekend after a detonation, apparently by mistake, that killed an army corporal, a lieutenant colonel and eight other people.

Venezuelan analyst Lauren Caballero told LPO that "it's a complex and confusing situation. To analyze it with some balance, it is necessary to start from the fact that Hugo Chávez's government may have given permission to the FARC, possibly in a non-formal way, with statements and speeches, to carry out operations with some freedom at certain border areas of Venezuela."

"That permission seems to be coming to an end these days. The situation has changed dramatically and The FANB seems unwilling as it was in the past to accept other military groups operating freely in a region that had historically been under the relative control of the Venezuelan army. This also has a lot to do, as I see it, with the apparent ideological shift in the direction of Maduro's government, (the Communists were expelled from their governing coalition) which has persecuted Marxist leftist groups," he added.


Ivan Marquez, former negotiator of the peace agreements and current leader of a FARC faction.

In turn, the analyst stressed that "this complacency of Chávez's government with the FARC-EP was also able to support the idea that the guerrillas weakened the Colombian state. It should be remembered that, at that time, bilateral relations were quite conflicting, with Colombia's President being Alvaro Uribe, while Chávez was the leader in Venezuela."

Therefore, there are several hypotheses that arise from that situation. The first has to do with the FARC internal control of the drug trafficking routes between the "Diez" group and the sector of former peace agreement negotiators Ivan Marquez and Jesus Santric, who are supported by Maduro. An important clarification is that the FARC that returned to guerrilla activity moved away from the leadership of Rodrigo Londoño, who quit in order to return to civilian life and join the Colombian political system.

The operations aim at a potential rapprochement with the Colombian government to conduct joint operations against dissident guerrillas. Remember that Maduro is one of the signatories of the Peace Agreement.


The other possibility is that the FANB is returning to its national security thesis prior to the arrival of chavism, which consisted of preparing for conflict with Colombia or Guyana with whom it maintains a fight over Esequibo's sovereignty.

For Lauren Caballero, "the operations aim at a potential rapprochement with the Colombian government to conduct joint operations against dissident guerrillas. Remember that Maduro is one of the signatories of the Peace Agreement."

Finally, Andrei Serbin Point noted that "as is often the case on those borders, everyone is involved in illicit activities, from local extortion to more serious things like trafficking of goods, weapons or people."

Therefore, Apure remained the epicenter of a very dangerous political chess in which many illegal armed groups coexist, forcing the exile of 4,000 people who arrived from Apure to Arauquita (Arauca) fleeing the conflict, while cross-accusations between governments continue.


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